CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
A global trend of democratic transition occurring concurrently with the waning of military regimes and overt military intervention has been evident over the past three decades (Adebajo & Rashid, 2004). Nine military dictatorships ruled Latin America, five in the Arab states and North Africa, three in Southeast Asia, two in South Asia, and one in East Asia in 1979. In sub-Saharan Africa, there were fourteen such governments. Since that time, democracy has displaced all of Latin America's military or "quasi-civilian" administrations (Alagappa, 2001). Military power has nearly always given way to strongman rule in the Middle East and Near East. In Asia, countries like Bangladesh, Indonesia, South Korea, Thailand, and Pakistan have transitioned from military rule to democracy or a mix of civilian and military rule.
Despite this trend, many developing democracies continue to place a strong priority on establishing civilian authority over the military forces. There has been no exception for the countries of South and Southeast Asia. The military used to play a significant role in most of these nations, establishing authoritarian governments. Even now, in 2010, after two decades of East Asian democracy development, civilian governance is still not the region's unchallenged rule (Albin-Lockey& Rawlence, 2007). The only exception is Myanmar, where soldiers have been in charge of politics since 1962, notwithstanding a brief window of opportunity for democratisation in 1990. An altogether new generation of comparative analyses of democratic development in the region have been motivated by these democratic changes (Ejiogu, 2011). Numerous comparative studies that discuss democratic governance institutions, their internal workings, and how they affect the region's emerging democracies have been published recently. There are also numerous studies that examine pertinent institutions and organisations involved in political decision-making (Kieh & Pita, 2004).
The study of West African politics during the democratic transition, however, still has several serious weaknesses. This is especially true when it comes to the query of whether the region's democratic transition is accompanied by a change in the political function of the military (Larr, 2011). Although there have been some excellent studies on the military's role in Asian politics, there hasn't been much new research in the last ten years. Additionally, the majority of this study is limited to studies in a single nation. In many instances, there has only been a very little amount of systematic, in-depth research on the interactions between politics and the military. This is surprising for a variety of reasons. First, there are compelling theoretical and empirical grounds in favour of the claim that democracy and the development of democracy require civilian control over the military (Kieh& Pita, 2004). Liberal democracy cannot exist without civilian authority, as is asserted in one of the book's chapters. If the political process is governed by the military, democratic constitutions frequently have little intrinsic value beyond the paper on which they are written. Even though popular elections may give civil authorities legitimacy to rule, they lack the actual capacity to do so if troops refuse to obey them (2003).
Second, a startling pace of authoritarian regimes have been replaced by democratically elected governments since the so-called "third wave" of democratization6 began in 1974, including in Asia. For instance, in South Asia, in Bangladesh in 1990 and Pakistan in 1987–88, military authorities had to consent to devolve power to democratically elected civilians (Thompson, 2012). The fall of Ferdinand Marcos's personal dictatorship in the Philippines in 1986 marked the beginning of the recent trend of democratisation in Southeast Asia. Following in sequence were Thailand (1988, 1992), Cambodia (1993), Indonesia (1999), and East Timor (2002). In 1990, there appeared to be another attempt at democratisation in Myanmar, however it was unsuccessful (Tangri& Mwenda, 2003).
Thailand, the Philippines, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Bangladesh continue to be plagued by unstable parliamentary institutions, weak rule of law, ineffective political representation systems, persistent corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency, and a dearth of social justice despite these regional democratic trends (Janowitz, 1964). In the meantime, the military regime in Myanmar has not been significantly impacted by the wave of democratisation and people power that swept through Southeast and South Asia in the 1980s and 1990s. In addition, under the direction of Prime Minister Hun Sen in the late 1990s, Cambodia's fledgling democracy degenerated into a fresh kind of electoral dictatorship. Additionally, East Timor, the youngest country in Asia and one of the United Nations' premier examples of post-conflict state formation and democratisation, continues to be in a very fragile position (Eva-Lotta, 2001). The military coup in Thailand in 2006, the military interventions in Bangladesh from 2006 to 2008, and the several military coups in the Philippines all show that military adventurism and interventionism are grave threats to democracy in many Asian nations.
Although removing soldiers from the political sphere and placing them under civilian management has been a key component of democratisation attempts, in most nations these efforts have run into a number of difficulties. In the emerging democracies of Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, Bangladesh, and especially Pakistan, the military has shown itself more or less resilient in guarding its prerogatives in the post-authoritarian era, with the exception of Myanmar, which today offers a case of failed transition to democracy in the face of massive military control over political space (Rosalie, 2002). This seriously impedes the democratically elected authorities’ effective power to govern in these countries and has facilitated democratic deterioration in virtually all of the countries analyzed herein. Such military resilience stems from the fact that its disengagement from political and economic governance was only partial at best. Indeed, ambiguous institutional development has accentuated the tentative nature of civilian supremacy (Nweke, 2004). As such, emerging democracies in South and Southeast Asia have been plagued by continuing instances of military assertion and a lack of civilian control, though Indonesia appears to be in better shape than the other cases. Given the deep entrenchment of the militaries in the respective political systems, the manifold problems of consolidation of democracy in general, and the persistence of internal conflict, civilians lack sufficient tools for confronting the military and can hardly be expected to diminish military decision-making power in the political arena.
Over the past several decades, military coups have been a common occurrence in Africa and West Africa in particular. Studies and experience have shown that 15 of the 16countries that make up West Africa have, in one way or another, experienced military coups (Peter, 2000). Most of the coups have emanated from the military officer corps. This has not only raised more questions than answers as it relates to the competence and commitment of the military in general and the officer’s corps in particular, but has also had a negative impact on the social-economic development of the sub-region. The impact of this phenomenon is quite disturbing in many ways. There have been coups and counter-coups that have fueled civil wars in countries such as Liberia and Sierra Leone (Amenta, Neal &Sheera, 2004). In Liberia for example, the civil war lasted for over a decade and cost the lives of over a quarter million people. The consequences of these civil wars were devastating; the two countries were on the brink of becoming failed states. Without analyzing the impact of the many military coups, one can clearly ascertain that the immediate and perhaps the most dangerous consequence left behind by these brutal civil wars was ‘brain drain.’ of intellectuals and professionals desperately needed to build the countries’ social and economic instability (Hernandez, 2005). Most of the professionals who could have contributed toward building capacity and establishing viable governance in these ravaged countries sought refuge elsewhere in search of survival and perhaps better lives.
The principal problem for emerging democracies in West African countires is how to challenge resilient militaries which threaten to set their countries on a course for democratic demise. Ultimately, this monograph represents the culmination of a workshop/ public forum sponsored by the Institute of Security and International Studies (ISIS) under Chulalongkorn University, Thailand, held on September 1, 2009 (Gloria, 2003). Each country-case chapter has, however, been updated to account for more recent events. In addition, the cases of Congo,Nigeria, and South Africa have been included to provide a larger picture of civil-military relations across West Africa. With the recent occurrence in some West African countries, the present study seek to examine the political economy of military coup in west Africa, a study of 2023 military coup in Niger.
In the years since most countries in West Africa broke loose from colonialism and became independent, the need for an integrated social, political and economically diverse and classless (‘middle class’) society was one of paramount concern to most, if not all, West Africans. Still, the colonial legacy is felt at every stratum of the sub-region. Among the many colonial legacies, the “class system” was the one that greatly crippled or slowed the progress of the sub-region. Within the class systems left behind by the colonial imperial powers, many individuals who were fortunate to have acquired some level of education during the colonial period saw themselves as if those who were educated were to be considered ‘privileged’. Eventually, as colonies gained their independence from their colonial masters, the native educated class controlled the political machinery of their respective countries. The uneducated or less fortunate classes of West African society, on the other hand, were rendered inadequate for positions of authority within the newgovernments and thus were given to compulsory military service (Eva-Lotta, 2001). The educated elite, representing the countries’ leadership with inherent authority over its military, rarely utilized their armed forces for the intended purposes for which they were created, such as homeland defense, law enforcement, and civil authority. Instead, they used the military as an instrument of rule over their own citizens.
The political elite used the military establishment to maintain their grip on political power. (How did they get there in the first place? Traditional political structures compared to colonial ones) There was little to no civil-military relations education or training within the rank and file of the military. Many West African politicians viewed civilian control of the military as merely a means by which to accomplish one’s political objective. With this in mind, most military personnel had little or no education and regrettably, they were not given the proper care that befits military personnel. The Liberian and Sierra Leonean militaries were classic examples. As a result of the military being used to promote civil initiatives by corrupt leaders and often not given the credit it deserved, the military over time saw itself as disenfranchised and they soon began to take matters into their own hands. Some military leaders, as in Liberia and Sierra Leone, led efforts to steer the affairs of the states in which they found themselves, and sought to overthrow the politicians (Daniel,2011). Before long, the military was able to seize state power and marginalize the politicians. There were, however, disagreements and dissatisfactions within the military, which led to counter coup-attempts. These dissatisfactions usually emanated from the question of who occupied the most powerful positions within the military juntas. In many instances, these power struggles led to political instabilities or all out civil wars. It is based on this background that the present study seek to explore the various causes and effects of the staggering number of military coups in the West African Region with specific reference to the 2023 military coup in Niger.
The main objective of this study is to examine the effects of the staggering number of military coups in the West African Region with specific reference to the 2023 military coup in Niger. Specific objectives of the study incude;
The following questions will guide the present study;
The findings of this study may set the basis for the scrupulous implementation of measures that will prevent future military coups d’état in West Africa. In addition, this thesis may identify flaws in the ways politicians governed which could have given rise to the unprecedented number of military coups d’état in the sub-region.
After colonialism ended in West Africa, many Africans strongly believed that the sub-region was heading for both economic and political prosperity. This seemed to be true during the first decade of post-colonialism, but this notion was short lived after Ghana, Nigeria, Niger and other nations began overthrowing their new governments. The researcher has found previous research and other works written on West African military coups.
There is also some information from Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) and academic institutions as well. This research intends to explore how much military coups d’état have shaped the sub-region.
This study is limited effects of the staggering number of military coups in the West African Region with specific reference to the 2023 military coup in Niger. The international community and ECOWAS, for the most part, have condemned the use of military means to acquire political power. Given this development, many would-be coup makers are weakened and former military junta members are prevented from expressing their thoughts on this issue. Many researchers have written on the subject as well, which might expand the breadth of sources for the research in such forums as journals and professional articles.
Civil-Military Relations
The civil-military relation shows the relationship between civil society as a whole and the military organization or organizations established to protect it. More narrowly, it describes the relationship between the civil authority of a given society and its military authority.
Military coup
Military coup is the sudden, extrajudicial deposition of a government, usually by a small group of the existing state establishment, typically the military, to replace the deposed government with another body, either civil or military.
Colonialism
Colonialismis the establishment, maintenance, acquisition and expansion of colonies in one territory by people from another territory.
Post-Colonialism
Post-colonialism is an intellectual direction (sometimes also called an “era” or the “post-colonial theory”) that exists since around the middle of the 20th century.
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